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Prepare for battle

05 Sep 2007 12:00 pm

With the publication of Jon Chait's new book, The Big Con: The True Story of How Washington Got Hoodwinked and Hijacked by Crackpot Economics, I think we can expect to see a repeat of the bomb-throwing that took place between liberal and conservative economists, and their often sketchily informed supporters, surrounding the Bush tax cuts in 2003. So I thought it might be wise to arm my readers against the more extravagent claims:

1) Cutting marginal tax rates can make tax revenues rise. This is trivially true: at some tax rate, people will stop working, and you can therefore increase the amount of revenue you raise. But the United States is not anywhere near this point. Except for one group--high income women--the labour supply is surprisingly inelastic with respect to tax. that elasticity does mean that you get some extra money back by cutting taxes, though no one knows exactly how much; Greg Mankiw's estimate of roughly 25% of the total tax cut sounds about right to me. But that still leaves a 75% hole in the revenue stream.

2) Cutting the budget deficit magically makes the economy grow. I dealt with this at great length on my old blog.

3) Increasing the size of the budget deficit restrains government spending growth. The evidence for this intuitively attractive premise is, at best, extremely shaky.

4) Highly respected economists Greg Mankiw and Glenn Hubbard shilled for the crackpot supply side theories of the Bush administration. This accusation is, to put the most charitable light on it, horribly overblown by people who don't really understand the debate very well. The Bush administration was not cutting taxes out of crackpot supply-sidism; it was cutting taxes because it wanted to cut taxes, and making extravagently exaggerated claims about the benefits of its policies. This is not exactly surprising or novel behavior for a presidential administration; in his book, Bob Rubin claims that real interest rates fell by an utterly implausibly large amount due to deficit cuttery.

The accusation against Bush's two economic advisors comes in two flavors. The first, concerning Mankiw, is that he couldn't possibly have really believed in tax cuts without spending cuts . . . because it would be, like, totally unimaginable for a Keynsian to believe that the government should borrow money to spend during a recession.

For the record, I don't think the tax cuts did much to help the economy--or to hurt it, either. But then, I am not a Keynesian. Greg Mankiw is, so I have absolutely no difficulty believing that he believed that the tax cuts were a good idea.

The second is that Glenn Hubbard said that budget deficits weren't hurting the economy, when his very own textbook affirmed the standard economic model in which raising the budget deficit caused interest rates to rise (and thus savings and investment, and ultimately economic growth, to contract).

This is a bit of cheap fun by those who don't understand the model they are talking about, or are too interested in scoring rhetorical points to care. People who understand the model, which is pretty much bog-standard macro, know you have to look at how all the variables move, not just the one that makes the prettiest argument. As I wrote in that piece on the budget deficit:

. . . as Glen Hubbard has repeatedly pointed out, it is very, very hard to build a credible model in which budget deficits matter to investors, but taxes do not. The basic idea behind the "Deficit reduction causes growth thesis", known to journalists as "Rubinomics", is that by reducing the government's demand for capital, you lower interest rates. Ceteris paribus, I agree with that.

However, the Clinton deficit reduction was not ceteris paribus; he got as far as he got mostly by raising taxes. If you lower interest rates, but increase taxes, you increase the demand for investment capital, but you decrease the supply of it, because savers now make less of a return on each dollar they invest. Higher demand for capital, combined with a lower supply of it, raises interest rates right back up again. How far is a matter for debate, but I see no reason to believe that the positive effect of deficit reduction could be anything close to what the Clinton team claims.

Indeed, Robert Rubin's claims in his memoir border on the ludicrous. (Border? Hell, the hedges are growing well over the property line, and the neighbours are threatening to sue.)

Reasonable macroeconomists may (do) disagree about the relative impacts of taxes and deficits; the weight you put on the two variables will determine how much you like the Bush tax cuts, or the Clinton tax increases. But it was not, as Hubbard's critics have implied, unreasonable or dishonest for him to support the tax cuts after printing that model in his book; depending on those relative values, the model could either have indicated or contraindicated cutting taxes as he did.

More as I actually read the book.

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Comments (20)

What I love is how liberals sometimes (and only sometimes) admit that inflation and interest rates affect how people make decisions but never admit or accept that tax rates affect how people make decisions. They also forget that people will do as much as possible to minimize their tax bill, seriously reducing the revenue of any tax increase but doing almost as much damage to the economy in deadweight losses with much of the money goes to accountants and tax lawyers, as grateful people want to save at least some money on their taxes.

One benefit of tax cuts is that it reduces the deadweight loss to the economy of accountancy and tax services. Revenue doesn't drop as much as predicted because people stop using tax shelters and just use the regular tax system. You get increases in GDP as money gets targeted on useful activity instead of to the rentiers of the tax system, smaller than epected revenue losses, and none of this is predicated on marginal investment.

Unfortunately the lawyers and accountants are a huge lobby for complexity in tax and bureaucracy. The lawyers, especially, have captured the legislature and thus little is done to threaten the business of lawyers and grow the economy. Tax simplification, tax cuts, and red tape reduction imperil the gulfstreams of lawyers (John Edwards is one of thousands of gulfstream liberal lawyers screwing the poor while spouting class warfare).

I was always taught that decreasing the government deficit as Rubin did increased savings and the supply of capital. Do they teach something different at Chicago?

During the capital spending boom of the 1990s almost half of the supply of the financing stemmed from the drop in the federal deficit and growth in foreign capital inflows.

As usual, I suggest you double check your facts before you go off with more of your economic analysis.

[Claim] 4) Highly respected economists Greg Mankiw and Glenn Hubbard shilled for the crackpot supply side theories of the Bush administration.

There's a bit of fine parsing going on here as to what it means to be a shill for a crackpot. Suppose I announce that I am running for president on a platform of reducing transportation costs by reducing gravity with my mind. Stephen Hawking signs on as my physics advisor, and tells the press, "Many people who criticize candidate alkali's plan fail to appreciate that gravity is a very complex phenomenon." That sounds like shilling to me, even if the words that came out of Prof. Hawking's voicebox are technically true.

Spencer, read the post. The question is not whether, ceteris paribus, deficit reduction helps economic growth--it does--but the magnitude of the effect, particularly given the confounding effects of the tax increases that produced the deficit closure. The effects claimed by Rubin were simply implausibly large.

And Hubbard is not a Chicago man; he was educated at Harvard. In fact, he graduated just slightly ahead of Brad DeLong.

I have read that the crowding out done by government deficits has no measureable impact on interest rates because the size of the deficit is small in comparison to the credit market.
Could you comment on this. It seems like people have been warning about the deficit forever and nothing bad ever happens.

"The Bush administration was not cutting taxes out of crackpot supply-sidism; it was cutting taxes because it wanted to cut taxes, and making extravagently exaggerated claims about the benefits of its policies"

You fail to recognize the only use of crackpot supply-sidism is to cut taxes. When you are out drinking with a loud group of drunks, you don't get points for being the only quiet guy in the room. Plus, this was the intention of the right-wing support of supply-side economics from the very beginning, as has been gone over many times in liberal blogs across the land, and furthermore must be known by any intelligent economist. I think Matt Y. or Ezra has done a few posts on this. As a result, your sentence makes no sense at all.

Greg Mankiw had a post where he could and should have advised the Bush administration their tax cuts were bunk. There is a huge difference between advocating responsible, temporary tax cuts and those he ended up shilling on CNBC. He should have saved his own reputation by resigning, but I saw him several times on CNBC shilling for these irresponsible cuts. I don't know if his shilling makes him stupid, or naive, but those are the two words that describe what he did.

Then, that we have a difficultly constructing an economic model that where deficits matter and taxes don't doesn't mean the world works like our model. This is model building 101. The map is not the territory. I don't know what level of relative importance Glenn placed on each - it doesn't matter. The fact remains that these specific tax cuts that were passed were unlikely to provide large stimulus to the economy becuase they were so top-bracket weighted. So the model that Glenn might have used vs. the reality of that specific tax cut doesn't bode well for his ability to break problems into component parts, or he was just happy being somewhat of a shill for tax cuts for the wealthy.

As far as I can tell, your only problem with Chaits argument is in (4).

I was referring to you as being from Chicago.

If you want to measure the impact on capital spending I suggest you look at what happened to the cost of capital in the 1990s versus in the 2000s.

the fundamental supply-side argument is that their policies lower the cost of capital. But if you look at the record the cost of capital has risen under the Bush tax cuts.

The modest suggestion that "cutting taxes can increase revenues" was primarily an argument for cuttting *investment* taxes, not taxes on wages.

Investment has a completely different elasticity profile than labor.

Discussions of this sort often get twisted by people using only domestic data. Markets are global. With the very high US corporate tax rates, US investments are not as relatively attractive as they used to be, so much of the investment capital released by the Bush tax cuts went overseas, particularly into emerging markets such as Eastern Europe and Southeast Asia. You have to think about the issues of credit, taxes, and investment globally, or else you'll get it profoundly wrong.

Choke . . . gasp . . . huh?! How do you have a cost of capital without reference to real interest rates, which most economists view as having been too low this decade?

For the record, I don't think the tax cuts did much to help the economy--or to hurt it, either. But then, I am not a Keynesian. Greg Mankiw is, so I have absolutely no difficulty believing that he believed that the tax cuts were a good idea.-Megan McArdle

This is really muddled. Robert Barro and Ed Prescott supported the tax cuts, and it's hard to think of any two more anti-Keynesian economists. So did Milton Friedman--again not for Keynesian reasons.

Yes, Mankiw supported the tax cuts in part for short-run Keynesian stimulus. But he was also concerned with their long-run effects on incentives, just as Barro, Prescott and Friedman were.

Like Spencer, but perhaps for different reasons, I sometimes wonder what they taught Ms. McArdle at Chicago. Didn't they mention incentives? Didn't they say that high marginal tax rates can distort incentives and that these distortions can reduce the standard of living over the long run?

When a minor child lives with one parent but the other parent doesn't live with them, that parent [the "custodial parent [CP]"] can normally get child support from the other parent [the "non-custodial parent [NCP]"]. The formula for the amount of child support is complex, but in common cases it amounts to a percentage of the NCP's after-tax income [often about 15%] minus a smaller percentage of the CP's income.

In the usual case, both parents internalize a utility function that incorporates the well-being of the child, but sometimes the NCP doesn't have such a utility function, either because he's been a stranger to the child [in the case of a child resulting from a one-night stand] or because he thinks he got a raw deal.

The economic effect of a child-support decree is that both parents face a marginal tax rate that's about 15% higher than the marginal tax rate that the rest of us face.

Empirically, this higher marginal tax rate induces reduced work effort in both parties often enough that the child support system of most states includes a notion of imputed income. A parent can file motions to try to have the court declare that the other parent is not working up to capacity and that they should pay or receive child support calculated on the income they "should" be earning rather than the income that they are in fact earning at the time. Because they pay [or fail to receive] child support based on this higher income whether they earn it or not, the marginal tax rate then becomes normal for that parent when imputed income is applied [or when the parent knows that it would be].

The extent to which our legal system has found it necessary to impute income to people who would presumably otherwise reduce work effort in the face of a marginal tax rate of 15% higher than the rest of us face is supportive of an assertion that if the tax rate were in fact raised that 15% we would see a reduction of work effort [unless the government started taxing workers on the income they "could" earn, not the income they actually earned].

Please note that I am talking about child support, not alimony. Although a parent's utility function may not include a positive term for the child's well-being, it's unlikely to include a negative term. This is not the case for alimony. Divorced couples are often spiteful and would often impoverish themsemselves if they could impoverish their ex-spouses at the same time. Partially for this reason, alimony is computed differently and different concepts apply.

-dk

"The modest suggestion that "cutting taxes can increase revenues" was primarily an argument for cuttting *investment* taxes, not taxes on wages.

Investment has a completely different elasticity profile than labor."

Wage earners are slave labor for the state? Wage earners shouldn't have *something* left from their labors for saving and investment?

Hey said, "What I love is how liberals sometimes (and only sometimes) admit that inflation and interest rates affect how people make decisions but never admit or accept that tax rates affect how people make decisions. They also forget that people will do as much as possible to minimize their tax bill, seriously reducing the revenue of any tax increase but doing almost as much damage to the economy in deadweight losses with much of the money goes to accountants and tax lawyers, as grateful people want to save at least some money on their taxes."

I don't know what liberals you talk to, but as a liberal economics professor I teach my students that taxes are indeed evil, and have a high deadweight loss, so that any government spending automatically starts out with a high burden in a cost-benefit analysis. I also teach them that there are strong reasons to expect many government programs to pass that stringent cost-benefit analysis. Just because liberals like big government doesn't mean we like taxes, just that we're willing to live with them instead of with a world with rampant market failures and no safety net.

Most of the rest of Hey's argument seems to be for tax simplification, not for tax cutting. You'd have to cut taxes pretty low, indeed, for people not to want to avoid them.

At any rate, conservatives and liberals who hate taxes should be concerned about a debt that grows faster than the economy, which represents FUTURE taxes, unless you magically believe that the government will shrink in the future. We're budgeting net interest payments of $239 billion in 2007, out of $2,784 billion in total outlays (http://www.gpoaccess.gov/usbudget/fy08/pdf/budget/tables.pdf).

That's bigger than Medicaid and SCHIP, and about half as much as the entire non-security discretionary budget. If you want to cut the budget, paying off debt to lower interest payments would make a pretty good dent; there aren't very many targets that are bigger. Hmh, as I recall, that was Al Gore's plan for the Clinton surpluses....

The problem with Hubbard was his sophistry. The
impact of a one time budget deficit may indeed be small. Hubbard made believe that the deficits wouldn't be sustained.

Okay, the subtitle makes the Amazon editorial blurb that his analysis should appeal to anyone interested in politics, though many may find the style too irritating to endure seem obviously true. But to make a general point, since Democratic support or at least acquiesence was necessary for Bush's major policy decisions, if I were the author or his fellow liberals, would I really want my meta-narrative to be that the most incompetent president since Herbert Hoover and the dumbest president since Calvin Coolidge still managed to trick me into supporting the Iraq war, prescription drug benefits, tax cuts, Roberts, Alito, etc.? Logically, I would think Bush has to be really clever and evil, or his opponents have to be just that dumb.

"...If you lower interest rates, but increase taxes, you increase the demand for investment capital, but you decrease the supply of it, because savers now make less of a return on each dollar they invest. Higher demand for capital, combined with a lower supply of it, raises interest rates right back up again."

i thought lowering price increased q(d), not demand? does demand really rise in this case?

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